How a group of well-connected operatives took donor information they had harvested for the American Conservative Union and used it to raise $10 million they largely steered to themselves. A POLITICO & ProPublica investigation:
that briefly aired on cable television and urged viewers to call the PAC, where they would be solicited for donations. After August, it ran no television ads and made no expenditures for anything other than fundraising.
Rogers has previously come under harsh scrutiny for raising large amounts of money but spending little on the promised advocacy. Former Virginia gubernatorial candidate Ken Cuccinellifor his involvement in a PAC that raised money purportedly to support Cuccinelli’s unsuccessful bid for governor in 2013 but did not spend anything to help Cuccinelli win. The case was settled in 2015.
Conservative Majority Fund fundraising letter from 2012 signed by Dennis Whifield | POLITICO Illustration The scripts tapped into voter concerns about illegal immigration. One, in the midst of the 2012 presidential campaign, declared that there was a “huge scandal” that the group had “recently uncovered,” in which Obama was “now planning to deliberately target 20-million poor Latino immigrants — a desperate effort to win re-election,” according to the emails.
Tensions between the ACU and the people operating the donor recruitment operation continued, emails among InfoCision employees indicate, because the PAC’s early fundraising pleas sometimes included references to ACU despite ACU’s wishes that they didn’t. “We're starting a new, independent PAC, with an established donor base,” Matthew Birkbeck, then a marketing executive at InfoCision, wrote. “It's exciting, so sell it! We can’t have the Communicators talking about ACU. There are threats of lawsuits surrounding this!!!”By mid-August, Rogers wrote to the ACU that the fundraising operation with them “is completely shut down in all fronts.”
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