Economic populism is politically potent — but the devil is in the details, Zeeshan Aleem writes.
, published by the left-wing Center for Working-Class Politics in collaboration with the socialist magazine Jacobin and pollster YouGov, raises interesting data points for how Democrats and left-wing activists might win the attention and trust of working class swing voters by focusing on a class lens in messaging. But the report's takeaways raise questions of their own, and they shouldn’t eclipse how much of the work of winning working-class voters depends on more than politicians’ words.
Running on a federal jobs guarantee is an extremely strong policy position, appealing to voters who lean Republican and Democratic and across all socioeconomic strata. “Across the 36 different combinations of candidate rhetoric and policy positions we surveyed, the single most popular combination was economic populist rhetoric and a jobs guarantee,” the report notes.
Consider, for example, how John Fetterman, who the report holds up as a model populist, famously coded as an everyman during his successful campaign to become a U.S. senator for Pennsylvania. But a lot of that came down to hisof wearing basketball shorts and hoodies; he grew up in an affluent suburb, attended Harvard University and receivedinto his 40s. Perception of what makes a candidate appear elite or nonelite can be hard to predict.
For some, the takeaway might be that racially inclusive populism is not a winning formula and should be ignored. But one has to ask what the implications of this are for an actual candidate in the real world — does it mean thatpolicy view it highly favorably. The issue is that nonworking-class Democrats, as well as Republicans and independents of all economic backgrounds are less into it.
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